From practice: Insights into working with perpetrators

Offender typologies 

Research on domestic violence includes various perpetrator typologies that help to better understand the behavior, motives, and backgrounds of perpetrators. These typologies should not be considered absolute, but they do offer a useful categorization. 

The types of perpetrators partially overlap, and there are also hybrid forms. Perpetrators with a high degree of control and manipulative strategies are particularly dangerous, as the violence is often systematic and long-term. 

Holzworth and Munroe & Stuart developed a model for classifying perpetrator typologies in the area of ​​domestic violence. Based on empirical studies, the researchers identified four main types of perpetrators, identified by their violent behavior and personality: 

1. Family-Only Perpetrator (violent only within the family) 

The violence is confined to the partnership and family. The intensity of violence within the partnership ranges from low to moderate. There are no serious mental or personality disorders. Stressful situations or conflicts are usually the triggers for the use of violence in various forms. The underlying causes lie in a lack of social skills, communication problems, and impulse control difficulties. There is no criminal history. 

2. Dysphoric/Borderline offender (emotionally unstable offender) 

This type of perpetrator is characterized by emotional instability, jealousy, and intense fear of abandonment. Personality disorders such as borderline personality disorder or depression are often present. Violence is used not only physically, but also emotionally and psychologically to enforce their own power. The perpetrator frequently expresses remorse after committing violent acts, but this remorse is usually short-lived. Furthermore, this type of perpetrator is at high risk of reoffending. 

3. Generally Violent/Antisocial Offenders 

The perpetrator, who is generally violent, directs his violence not only against his partner and children, but also against other people (for example, friends, colleagues, strangers). He often has a criminal record and is characterized by impulsive behavior. A lack of empathy and an antisocial personality disorder are frequently observed. The violence perpetrated is significantly more severe and frequent than with other types of perpetrators. Alcohol or drug abuse is also often a contributing factor.

4. Low-Level Antisocial Type 

Men of this type fall between Type 1 and Type 3 in terms of antisocial attitudes and behaviors, but do not have a personality disorder. Essentially, their characteristics can be described as dissocial. These offenders also commit many crimes in a planned and controlled manner, without significant loss of control. (Holtzworth-Munroe & Meehan 2004)

This description of perpetrator typologies remains one of the most important classifications in domestic violence research and is frequently used in practice to determine appropriate intervention measures. It also serves as a basis for initial and further risk assessments in the area of ​​domestic violence.

Perpetrator strategies

One practical observation is that perpetrators of domestic violence are remarkably adept at manipulating and deceiving their network or individual partners. Victims and their families are deceived and exploited. The perpetrators employ strategies to achieve their own goals, drawing on tactics that have proven successful in the past. They often have extensive experience in knowing what works best for them in a given situation. In practice, these perpetrator-typical behaviors tend to emerge during intervention work. It's crucial to recognize that effective perpetrator strategies can increase the risk to victims within the intervention process. Of the numerous perpetrator strategies, several can be clearly identified through targeted conversations.

They often exhibit socially desirable behavior/excessive conformity. Self-deprecation after the act, agreement with statements from potential helpers, and socially adapted phrases are typical strategies. Often, compliments are paid to the person helping, but these are intended to win over the network and its members. The partner or those supporting the partner are publicly verbally denigrated. 

The partner or ex-partner is attacked with half-truths and deliberate lies, labeled a liar, a bad mother, and mentally ill. Misunderstandings are frequently fabricated. Often, the perpetrator actively seeks sympathy and understanding. Their own violent behavior is denied, justified, and downplayed. A striking feature of this strategy is the persistent and persistent denigration of women in general.

The perpetrator very deliberately tries to create a divide within his network of contacts. For example, he expresses in conversation that it feels good to finally talk to someone who listens to him, because he misses this with many others. "I get along well with them, but not at all with Mr. Y." As the conversations progress, it often becomes increasingly apparent that the perpetrator is primarily concerned with his own feelings and needs, and that these are his central focus. He doesn't explain the feelings of others when asked, but rather quickly returns to his own thoughts (egocentrism, Steingen et al. 2020*).

This failure to take responsibility is often manifested in a so-called victim-blaming scenario. The perpetrator projects their own misconduct onto the victim, creating the impression that they are merely reacting to their partner's misbehavior. This list could go on indefinitely. It has been observed that these strategies are employed by perpetrators of all the identified perpetrator types (Steingen et al. 2020).

Basic understanding of violence in perpetrator work: Domestic violence

• Violent behavior is learned; alternative, socially acceptable behaviors can be learned. 
• Perpetrators are 100% responsible for their violent behavior. 
• Violent behavior is purposeful and intentional.
• Violent behavior is based on a decision.
• Violent behavior is embedded in historical and social conditions, and therefore always also in gender relations. It primarily serves to stabilize and maintain power structures.
• Violent behavior is not an inevitable fate, but something that can be changed.
• Violent behavior aims to secure control and (re-)establish power.
• Domestic violence is not a problem of social status (class, profession, income). 

The standards for working with male perpetrators were further developed and modified in cooperation with the national women's support associations between 2009 and 2014, and revised in 2019. A key aspect of this process was the further development of cooperation between women's support services and perpetrator work, as it has become clear in recent years that the cooperation of these two groups, and indeed of all those involved in the process, is indispensable for addressing the issue of intimate partner violence appropriately. Only within the framework of well-organized networking is the proper handling of violence in intimate partner relationships possible (BMFSFJ 20194, Steingen 2019a).

Access routes into the perpetrator program 

So-called self-referrals can contact perpetrator intervention programs on their own initiative. However, experience shows that this group of clients often only contacts the programs under pressure from their wives, the youth welfare office, their social environment, or, for example, on the advice of the police. This clearly demonstrates the indispensable importance of effective networking.

Since the introduction of the new law on offender responsibility on March 1, 2013, the public prosecutor's office can provisionally suspend proceedings under Section 153a of the Code of Criminal Procedure (StPO) for a period of 12 months, provided the offender participates in an offender program (social training). Prior to this law, the duration of a provisional suspension was limited to six months. Due to the long-term nature of working with offenders, this could be a barrier to applying this option.

Also new since the introduction of the law is that, according to Sections 59 and 59a, Paragraph II, No. 5 of the German Criminal Code (StGB), the court now has the option of issuing a warning with reservation of punishment and ordering participation in a "social training course." These warnings often have a duration of two years, thus enabling long-term work with the offenders.

According to Section 56c of the German Criminal Code (StGB), the court may, within the framework of a suspended prison sentence, impose the condition of participation in the offender program. 

The family court can make participation in the offender program a condition for granting fathers visitation rights. However, non-participation has no legal consequences, but only affects visitation rights. 

It should be explained that the access route is irrelevant to the content of the perpetrator's work, since the domestic violence experienced by all participants is the reason for their participation.

Practice of working with offenders

The training programs (evaluation by Kartky et al., 2011)6 generally consist of a so-called orientation or motivation phase and the basic work. The orientation phase takes place in an individual setting. In this phase, the initial consultation and the anamnesis are conducted. 

The initial consultation is divided into four sections and serves to gather information, provide information, and establish a working basis with the client. It also addresses further organizational matters.

1. Information gathering 

The main question is: "Who is sitting across from me and what have they done?" This serves to understand the client's life situation and their perspective on the violent situation. Furthermore, the reason for their participation is clarified, which also reveals what motivated them to take part in social skills training. It is also important to determine whether there are any stressors such as alcohol consumption or unemployment.

2. Information dissemination 

This section provides information about the framework, goals, and content of the work. The client receives a general overview of the topics and content of the (group) work. Organizational matters, such as the scope of the program, schedule, financial contribution, group size, and interactions among participants, are clarified. Essential to the work is also the issue of "waiver of confidentiality," meaning: "What will we discuss, and with whom?"

3. Establishing a working basis with the client 

A good starting point is essential for working with the client. To achieve this, the trainers' attitude is clarified. 

The client should express their thoughts on the requirement and why they decided to participate. This is linked to the objective: What do they want to achieve for themselves? This question is of great importance in relation to the topic of motivation, which was already mentioned under the section on information gathering. These initial conversations, in particular, aim to strengthen intrinsic motivation.

However, it is also possible that participation will not be considered worthwhile and the question must be asked: "What can/should he do instead?"

4. Organizational matters 

Handing over and discussing documents. These include the participation agreement, the declaration of non-violence, the release from confidentiality, and finally, the arrangement of the financial contribution.

Medical history and diagnostics 

In this initial phase of the intervention, at least three interviews with the client will be conducted as part of a comprehensive anamnesis. These interviews aim to clarify the client's individual personal circumstances. The primary goal is to identify the client's resources, which can then serve as a foundation for further intervention work. 

The discussions are intended to transform the participant's motivation for participation from an often extrinsic one to an intrinsic one. Relevant information from third parties will also be gathered for the social history. Furthermore, standardized, empirically based, and validated diagnostic and evaluation instruments will be used during the anamnesis phase. 

The following questions should also be answered in the discussions with the client:

• What exactly did the man do (course of events and insight into the problem)? 
• How is the violence that was perpetrated discussed? 
• What conflict resolution options are available in a partnership? 
• Who sets which rules? 
• Are there any stressors such as separation, alcohol addiction, or unemployment?

The discussions serve to assess the current risk to the partner (or ex-partner) and children. An initial emergency plan is developed within the framework of safety considerations. 

After the initial assessment phase is completed, a decision is made regarding further work with the client. The assessment therefore also serves to identify one's own limitations in the work.

Long-term work with the perpetrators 

Once the first phase is completed, the so-called basic program begins, which is generally conducted in group work, provided that personnel and financial resources allow. The number of group sessions is not yet standardized at the federal level, varying between 18 and 30. However, there are fixed components that are addressed throughout the program. The groups are offered as either closed, semi-open, or open groups, depending on the institution. In closed groups, no new participants can join during the program; in semi-open groups, only at specific times; and in open groups, new participants can join at any time. 

Open groups have the advantage of avoiding waiting times, but in return, a new group dynamic process constantly emerges, which must be observed and guided by the trainers. Ideally, the trainer team is gender-diverse. In addition to the group sessions, individual consultations are offered. This gives clients the opportunity to address issues that cannot be discussed in the group. After the program's completion, a follow-up group is offered every three months. Here, participants have the opportunity to discuss their current situation and address any problems with the trainers, working through them if necessary. 

Key components of long-term offender programs include (excerpt):

This overview demonstrates that long-term work with clients is necessary to adequately address the problem of violence. This is supported by the results of the evaluation of the intervention center in Landau (Rhineland-Palatinate). The evaluation found that, in most cases, physical violence decreases rapidly (within three months) after intervention and continued support. 

In the area of ​​psychological violence, however, a noticeable reduction in violence can only be observed after a period of stagnation, approximately nine months. The study concludes that work with perpetrators should last at least 12 months, thus providing a scientifically sound basis for the long-term concept of perpetrator intervention programs. 

A working group of the Federal Association for Perpetrator Work in Domestic Violence is currently developing, with financial support from the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, a module that will enable all perpetrator work institutions to apply a uniform initial diagnostic assessment before admitting perpetrators to the programs.

Dealing with renewed domestic violence and exclusion from the ongoing perpetrator program

The procedures for repeat acts of violence and grounds for exclusion from the ongoing offender program are regulated in the standard of the Federal Association for Offender Work in Hesse (BMFSFJ, 2019). The grounds for exclusion must also be contractually agreed upon with the participants in advance to ensure transparency and predictability. 

Participants commit to addressing acts of violence themselves. Men often find it easier to initially address repeated acts of violence in a one-on-one setting, for example, during a crisis intervention session. However, the processing of these acts takes place within the group. In such cases, extending the perpetrator program should be pursued.